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WORLD Magazine / Prodigal Press / Chapter One | |
| The Decline of American Journalism | ||
CONTENTS PART ONE: DEPARTURE |
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| CHAPTER ONE: The Decline of American Journalism Notes 1. Paul Vitz, Religion and Traditional Values in Public Textbooks (Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Education, 1986). For comments on Vitz's study, see Newsweek, July 28, 1986, p. 20; Saturday Evening Post, July-August 1986, p. 16; Christianity Today, January 17, 1986, p. 49; Christianity Today, March 7, 1986, p. 15. 2. Edwin and Michael Emery, The Press and America, fifth edition (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1984), pp. 109-138. 3. Roberta Moore, Development of Protestant Journalism in the United States, 1743-1850 (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Syracuse University, 1968), p. 237. 4. Frank Luther Mott's American Journalism, revised edition (New York: Macmillan, l9S0) has one paragraph on p. 206 about the "religious newspapers" of the 1801-1833 period. According to Mott, about one hundred such publications, scattered across the country, covered both secular events and church activities: The newspapers were "a phenomenon of the times" and "often competed successfully with the secular papers." Mott noted that "many of these papers were conducted with great vigor and ability." Mott did not go into detail, but his brief mention was more than these newspapers have received in other joumalism history textbooks written in the twentieth century, such as James M. Lee, History of American Journalism (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1917); George H. Payne, History of Journalism in the United States (New York: Appkton-Century-Crofts, 1920); or Sidney Kobre, Development of American Journalism (Dubuque, IA: Wm. C. Brown Co., 1969). A history written in the late nineteenth century, Frederic Hudson, Journalism in the United States from 1690 to1872 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1873), is also unsympathetic to the Christian press, but at least provides some information. A monograph by Waley Norton, Religious Newspapers in the Old Northwest to 1861 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1977), and dissertations by Moore and Kenberry, provide useful records. 5. Howard Kenberry, The Rise of Religious iournalism in the United States (unpublished dissertation, University of Chicago, 1920), p. 35. 6. New York Observer, June 23, 1849, p. 98. 7. Puritan Recorder, October 21, 1858; quoted in Hudson, p. 290. Willis had had no particular theological interests and did not attend church, "but spent my Sabbaths in roving about the fields and in reading newspapers." 8. Boston Recorder, January 3, 1816, p. 1. 9. Ibid., September 11, 1819, p. 147. (The Recorder produced four-page issues but numbered its pages consecutively throughout the year.) 10. Ibid, April 22, 1820, p. 57. 11. Ibid., December 23, 1817, p. 202; August 2S, 1826, p. 136. The Recorder is one of my favorite old newspapers; Chapters Four, Ten, and Eleven (on objectivity, sensationalism and crusading) provide more examples of Recorder news coverage. 12. Contents of the early publications could be almost as varied as those of newspapers. One early Christian magazine became a bit carried away in describing its variety: The New England Magazine contained, according to the editors, "Relations Wonderful, and Psalm, and Song,/Good Sense, Wit, Humour, Morals, all ding dong;/Poems and Speeches, Politicks, and News,/What Some will like, and other Some refuse;/Births, Deaths, and Dreams, and Apparitions, too . . . To Humour Him, and Her, and Me, and You" (Kenberry, p. 64). 13. Presbyterian of the West, December 30, 1858; Northwestern Christian Advocate, November 28, 1860; quoted in Norton, p. 2. 14. For details on Raymond, see New York Times. June 19, 1869, p. 4 (obituary); June 22, p. 1 (funeral); June 28, p. 8 (eulogy); also see Francis Brown, Raymond of the Times (New York: Norton, 1951), and Augustus Maverick, Henry J. Raymond and the New York Press for Thirty Years (Hartford- Hale, 1870). 15. See Emery and Emery, p. 215. When Raymond died in 1869 he was succeeded by his long-time partner George Jones in the business management of the Times and, after two short-lived appointments, by Louis Jennings as editor, both Jones and Jennings were Christians. When Jones turned down a $5 million bribe offered him by Boss Tweed, he said the Devil never again would offer him so high a price. 16. One pro-abortion article cited in the U.S. Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade decision suggests that newspaper stories contributed to a long-lasting abortion setback: See Cyril C. Means, "The Law of New York Concerning Abortion and the State of the Foetus, 1664-1968: A Case of Cessation of Constitutionality." New York Law Forum. Fall 1968. DD. 458-490. 17. New York Times, November 3, 1870, p. 4. 18. Ibid., August 23, 1871, p. 6. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., August 27, p. 1. The young lady was hter identified as Alice Mowlsby, a poor orphan who lived with her aunt in Patterson, New Jersey. 22. Ibid., August 28, 29, 30, p. 8. A boy who had helped carry the trunk into the station tried to find a man and a mysterious lady who had delivered the trunk. Readers daily absorbed the strategy of the detective in charge, Inspector Walling, who "issued orders which practically put every policeman in the force upon the case." 23. Ibid., August 29, p. 8; August 30, p. 4. 24. Ibid, August 30, p. 8. 25. Ibid. What would be called today a "free press vs. fair trial" issue does emerge here: With one of its own reporters giving a firsthand account, the Times sometimes seemed to be convicting the abortionist in the press. 26. Ibid., December 8, 1871, p. 2. The Times did recommend passage of a bill "far-reaching enough to catch hold of all who assist, directly or indirectly, in the destruction of infant life," and gave its recommendation one additional populist thrust: "The people demand it." The New York legishture of 1872 passed tough new anti-abortion laws, with easier rules of evidence and a maximum penalty of twenty years imprisonment. Enforcement also was stepped up. 27. Ibid., November 3, 1870, p. 4. 28. The New York Times continued to run anti-abortion stories through the remainder of the century. Chapter Eleven has more discussion of the overall anti-abortion campaign. 29. Central Christian Herald, September 2, 1852; quoted in Norton, p. 32. 30. Quoted in Kenberry, p. 158. 31. See p. 208 of each Recorder volume during the 1820s for a list of such articles. See also Recorder, January 27, 1837, p. 14. 32. Emerson's address is published in many books, including Volume 5 of the Harvard Classics, ed. Charles Eliot (New York: Collier, 1937), pp. 25-42. 33. This chapter has room to mcention only in passing the major theological and social developments; it does not attempt to be anything more than a quick overview. For general discussions of the period, see Perry Miller, The Life of the Mind in America: From the Revelution to the Civil War (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1965), and Sydney E. Ahlstrom, A Religious History of the Amencan People (New Haven: Yale University Press, l972). For a discussion of Unitarianism and the public schools, see Samuel Blumenfeld, Is Public Education Necessary (Boise: Paradigm, 1985). For a discussion of the impact of evolutionism, see appendices to Gary North, The Dominion Covenant (Tyler, TX: Institute for Christian Economics, 1982), pp. 245-454. 34. Abbott's books include The Evolution of Christianity (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1900); The Other Room (New York: Gmsset, Dunlap, 1903); Christianity and Social Problems (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1896); and Reminiscences (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1915). 35. This discussion of Christian trends is, again, just a quick overview. For further information and perspective, see George Mansden, The Evangelical Mind and the New School Presbyterian Experience (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970); Elmothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1957); James F. Findby, JL, Dwight L. Moody Atnerican Evangelist, 1837-1899 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969); John Woodbridge, Mark Noll and Nathan Hatch, The Cospel in America (Grand Rapids: Zandervan, 1979). 36. As historian George Marsden has noted in Fundamentalism and American Culture (London: Oxford Univeresity Press, 1980), the 1860-1900 period brought with it "a transition from a basically 'Calvinistic' tradition, which saw politics as a signifcant means to advance the kingdom, to a 'pietistic' view of political action as no more than a means to restrain evil." This movement led to what Marsden calls the "Great Reversal" early in the twentieth century, with social concerns becoming suspect among revivalist evangelicals. Meanwhile, the older Reformed concern for social action was transmuted into a ~social gospel" clung to by many who no longer held to the Biblical gospel. 37. See Abraham Kuyper, Lectures on Calvinism (Grand Rapids, Ml: Eerdmans, 1983; first published in 1899). Also see Henry Van Til, The Calvinistic Concept of Culture (Grand Rapids: Baker, l959), and John T. McNeill, The History and Character of Calvinism (London: Oxford University Press, 1954). Primarily see John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, l559 edition, trans. Ford Lewis Battles, ed. John T. McNeill (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1960). 38. Norton, p. 38. 39. Just as the Boston Recorder had been one of the first to see the entire society as a journalistic mission field, so it was one of the first to drop out under the twin pressures of Boston transcendentalism and the tendency to turn inwards. Circulation during the 1840s was stagnant at a time when non-Christian newspapers were soaring. A Recorder editorial in 1848 suggesting "encouraging prospects" for the newspaper was belied by both appearance and context. Type size was smaller, typography was muddy, and page size had decreased; those pages were filled with monthls quarterly and annual reports of various church groups, indicating clearly that the Recorder had diet as a newspaper and had become a public relations organ. In 1849 the Recorder officially merged with the Puritan, a ten-year old newspaper. Examination of one advertisement in the last issue of the Recorder, though, makes the agreement seem more like a subscription list buyout than a merger. The little notice, placed by the Recorder itself, offered "the type and other printing materials which are now used in this office‹the whole comprising all the fixtures of a weekly newspaper establishment" (Recorder, January 7, 1848, p. 2; May 4, 1849, p. 71). 40. An interesting test arose in 1899 and 1900, when international attention was focused on the battle in South Africa between Boers and British. Race was not an issue at the time, since neither side spoke much of the black inhabitants; the issue was social Darwinist "progress," and to the New York Times the Boers seemed least likely to succeed, due to their fundamentalist religious beliefs. "Poor, hidebound, Bible reading, otherwise illiterate Boers," the New York Times sniffed. The Boers' religion, according to the Times, makes them a ~very stubborn people . . . in a state of arrested development. They are not much different from the Dutch of this island two centuries ago. That is to say, they are~ simple minded, Biblereading, God-fearing people" with an "idiotic-heroic attitude" (August 24, 1899, p. 6; August 10, 1899, p. 6). 41. New York Times, July 26, 1925, Section II p. 4. Leslie H. Allen, ed., Bryan and Darrow at Dayton: The Record and Documents of the Bible-Evolution Trial (New York: Russell & Russell, 1925), p. 1, conveniently assembles materials against which press reports may be checked. 42. The importance of the Dayton trial, for both prosecution and defense, lay in the chance to debate the issues of the case. The judicial proceedings themselves were not of great interest. The case was open-and-shut, deliberately designed for conviction on obvious law-breaking so that the decision could be appealed to the US. Supreme Court for a ruling on the act's constitutionality. (Ironically, although Scopes was convicted, as planned by the ACLU, and although the anti-evolution law itself was upheld,by the Tennessee Supreme Court, the Tennessee Supreme Court also overturned the conviction on a technicality involving the imposition of a $100 fine without jury approval.) 43. Baltimote Sun,July 9, 1925, p. 1. Mencken attacked the Dayton creationists (before he had set foot in the town) as "local primates . . . yokels . . . morons . . . half-wits." Mencken put aside his typical amusement with life to ride Paul Revere-like through the land with dire warnings about the trial: "Let no one mistake it for comedy, farcical though it may be in all its details. It serves notice on the country that Neanderthal man is organizing in these forlorn backwaters of the land, led a by a fanatic, rid of sense and devoid of conscience" (Baltimore Sun, July 18, 1925, p. 1). Mencken's intolerance was parallel to that of many anti-evolution spokesmen. Columbia University dean Henry H. Rusby demanded that universities not recognize degrees from universities that did not accept evolution. A leading liberal minister, Charles Francis Potter, argued that "educated and enlightened men ought not to rest until the possibility of such dense mental darkness is removed." The New York Times then editorialized against "the mental and moral infection which has been let loose upon the land. . ." (New York Times, July 12, 1925, section 1, p. 2; Arkansas Gazette, June 16, p. 2). Fundamentalists had some justification for believing that they were being told not "live and let live," but "your diseased religion does not deserve to exist." 44. Acid-tongued Westbrook Pegler, who covered the trial briefly admired Mencken and imitated his coverage, but noted years later concerning the creationists, "They were intelligent people, including a fair proportion of college graduates. Nevertheless, the whole Blue Ridge country was ridiculed on religious grounds by an enormous claque of supercilious big town reporters." Such ridicule was not primaily a function of politics; it underlay the politics of liberal and coservative newspapers. The liberal New York Times editorialized that the creationist position presented a "breakdown of the reasoning powers. It is seeming evidence that the human mind can go into deliquescence without falling into stark lunacy" July 13, p. 16). The conservative Chicago Tribune sneered at fundamentalists looking for "horns and forked tails and cloven hoofs" July 19, p. 5). 45. New York Times, July 20, 1925, p. 14. 46. Arkansas Gazette, July 18, 1925, p. 5. 47. Baltimore Sun, July 10, 1925, p. 1. Also see Atlanta Constitution, July 9, p. 10. 48. Arkansas Gazette, July 12, p. 1. Also see Arkansas Gazette, June 23, p. 1, and June 28, p. 1; Washington Post, July 16, 1925, p. 6. 49. Arkansas Gazette, June 27, 1925, p. 1. 50. Atlanta Constitution, July 2, 1925, p. 1; July 8, 1925, p. 22. 51. New York American, July 18, 1925, p. 1; July 14, p. 1; Arkansas Gazette (New York Times/Chicago Tribune news service), July 16, 1925, p. 3. 52. New York American, July 13, 1925, p. 1; July 15, p. 4; July 16, p. 2; July 17,p.2. 53. New York American, July 12, 1925, p. 1; see also Arkansas Gazette, July 11, p. 1. 54. See Allen, loc. cit. 55. Baltimore Sun, July 17, 1925, p. 1. 56. Arkansas Gazette, July 12, 1925, p. 1; July 13, p. 1; July 17, p. 3. 57. Chicago Tribune. See also Arkansas Gazette, July 14, p. 5. 58. New York American, July 14, 1925, p. 1. One more bizarre twist to the trial deserves mentioning the last Bryan-Darrow confronution arose unexpectedly on the final day of the trial. Many reporters were off swimming or carousing, with the result that other reporters, after telegraphing their own stories, hastily rewrote parts and sent them to the missing reporters' newspapers in order to cover for their friends. Scopes himself was asked by several reporters to write parts of the new articles; so journalistic coverage of the trial concluded with a bizarre touch: the defendant reporting on his own case under someone else's byline. See John T. Scopes and James Presley Center of the Stonn: Memoirs of John T. Scopes (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1967), p. 183. 59. Olive Clapper, One Lucky Woman (Garden City, NY: Doubleday,1961), pp. 34, 51, 109. 60. Ibid., p. 99. 61. The Atlanta Constitution editorialized about the trial coverage's potential effect: "Thousands of columns of newspaper debate have been published under Dayton date lines in the past two weeks, and from it all the cause of the religion of Jesus Christ has not been helped, but the world has been broadcast with the seeds of doubt and skepticism, and only the future can tell what the harvest will be . . . among the millions of people who congest the bumper ground between science and the Bible there may be thousands who will now find themselves drifting into the easy-going channels of agnosticism" July 22, 1925, p. 6). |
