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How homosexuals fight

"How homosexuals fight" Continued...

Issue: "Kosovo: What's next?," April 10, 1999

"The fact that Connecticut raised the flag is symbolic of the acknowledgment ... and support of gay rights," said Connecticut homosexual activist Carolyn Gabel.

She may be right. While EBAH was specifically designed to claw up traditional values rooted at the state level, there is already growing support for homosexual "rights" among state officials and politicians. Maryland Governor Parris Glendening, whose brother died of AIDS, is pushing publicly for pro-gay, anti-discrimination laws in his state. Anne Boyle, chairwoman of the Nebraska Democratic Party, joined EBAH activists in a drive for "fairness" in the workplace. And newly elected California Governor Gray Davis has voiced support for pro-gay measures similar to AB222, a sweeping bill that would, among other things, mandate instruction on tolerance of homosexuality in California's public schools.

While state-level pro-gay legislative battles are nothing new, their sheer numbers have lately scaled alarming heights. By some estimates, pro-gay bills outnumber anti-homosexuality measures 2-to-1. In California, the national proving ground, the legislative assault is particularly dangerous, says Randy Thomason, assistant director of the pro-family Capitol Resource Institute in Sacramento. "Both houses of the California legislature are now controlled by liberal Democrats and Gray Davis is sitting in the governor's mansion sharpening up his ink pen," Mr. Thomason said.

Seven bills awaiting committee debate in the Golden State legislature would, if passed, virtually detonate the state's civil and educational landscape-and lay the cabling for similar destruction nationwide. In addition to making homosexuals a specially protected class, AB222 would require that children in public schools, kindergarten through 12th grade, be taught that homosexuality is simply one among several equally healthy and valid lifestyles. Another California bill elevates homosexuality to the same level as sex and race. And, should any citizen oppose homosexuality in a privately owned business or residence, another bill provides for tax-funded investigations under the Fair Employment and Housing Act.

"[Homosexual activists] are pushing and pushing hard," said Mr. Thomason. "They're not interested in toleration. They're interested in total approval, which means desensitizing, forcing approval, and punishing innocent citizens of conscience," he said, adding: "As California goes, so goes the nation."

The bills provide only murky religious exclusions. It is an indicator not just of political hubris, but of a spreading conviction among liberal lawmakers that religious conservatives are reeling, battered by blows ranging from the bitter vilification of Ken Starr to the mainstream media's trash-and-trivialize policy toward prominent Christian leaders. Homosexual activists, many of whom use the terms "enemy" and "Christian" interchangeably, are natural beneficiaries. But more than chance beneficiaries, they are also engineers.

In 1987 Guide Magazine, a publication for gays, published an oft-reprinted article by Marshall K. Kirk and Erastes Pill. In the piece, Mr. Kirk and Mr. Pill laid out the shining path to homosexual liberation in six sequential steps that have become for some activists a manifesto. Included in those steps are specific strategies for turning the public against the church, and the church against itself.

"When conservative churches condemn gays," wrote Mr. Kirk and Mr. Pill, "... we can use talk to muddy the moral waters. This means publicizing support for gays by more moderate churches.... We can undermine the moral authority of homophobic churches by portraying them as antiquated backwaters, badly out of step with the times and with the latest findings of psychology. Against the mighty pull of institutional Religion one must set the mightier draw of Science and Public Opinion. Such an unholy alliance has worked well against churches before, on such topics as divorce and abortion ... that alliance can work again here."

It's working like a stake in the heart of such major denominations as the Episcopal and United Methodist Churches, where issues like gay clergy and homosexual marriage have rocked church leadership. During EBAH week, organizers planned scores of faith-based events across the country. Officials at University Baptist Church in Austin, Texas, approved and attended a candlelight vigil at its facility for victims of gay "hate crimes." In Memphis, an event at the First Congregational Church featured testimonies by former ex-gays "traumatized" by the efforts of ex-gay ministries.

Indeed, many gays and lesbians now see all who oppose their lifestyle as a single, composite Foe called the "religious right." ("That's not far off the mark," said Update's Frederic Ball. "They're the ones who are attacking us," said Randy Allgaier.) In fairness, though, mainstream Christians haven't done much to combat the ugly image of such anti-gay crusaders as Fred Phelps of "God Hates Fags" fame.

For example, the only Christians in attendance at a March 22 EBAH event in Austin, Texas, were a cluster of grim-faced, middle-aged men bearing signs with biting slogans like "God calls fags dogs" and "Lord Jesus, Save the Children from the Sodomites." By contrast, homosexual marchers and their supporters appeared stunningly normal (another strategy espoused by Mr. Kirk and Mr. Pill). They were an all-American crowd: white, black, Latino, young, old, even toddlers in sunglasses sitting in strollers or on parents' shoulders. Nowhere in sight were the drag queens, dog collars, and other staple depravities of left-coast gay parades.

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